MOZAMBIQUE
Conflict History
Until 1992, almost the entire history of independent Mozambique was marked
by war. After the 1974 coup in Portugal, Mozambican nationalists moved swiftly
to claim independence, suppressing an attempted right-wing rebellion which led
to the departure of nearly all the 250 000 white colonists, who returned to
Portugal or South Africa, leaving the country in economic crisis.
The liberation movement, the Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique (Frelimo), led by the charismatic Samora Machel, took
power on independence in June 1975, declaring a ‘people’s republic’ and pursuing
Marxist-Leninist policies with the support of the Soviet Union, the German
Democratic Republic and Cuba (although relations with most western countries
were normalised some five or six years later).
The new government also offered bases to guerrillas of the Zimbabwe African
National Union (Zanu) which was opposing white minority rule in the then
Rhodesia, opening up a long border for military operations which within a few
years led to the capitulation of the minority regime there. The Rhodesian regime
responded by launching attacks on bases and refugee camps, and sponsoring a
Mozambique rebel movement, the Resistencia Nacional de Mocambique (Renamo), which rapidly became characterised by
extreme brutality. Mozambique adopted a much more cautious approach to apartheid
South Africa, however, and its support for the South African liberation movement
was limited. Nevertheless, South Africa rapidly stepped up covert military
support for Renamo after the fall of white Rhodesia, and by exploiting local,
regional, ethnic and traditional grievances as well as by waging a campaign of
terror, Renamo spread the civil war to most parts of the country by the
mid-1980s.
Zimbabwe entered the conflict, deploying 10 000 troops against Renamo, and
Tanzania also offered military support. In 1984, in an effort to end the
increasingly ruinous conflict, Machel signed a security pact with South Africa
known as the Nkomati Accord. He also began a process of economic and political
liberalisation. However, the war continued, and Machel was killed in aircraft
crash in South African territory in October 1986, in circumstances which have
still not been resolved– many analysts believe the craft was brought down by
South African signal subterfuge. He was replaced by Joaquim Chissano, then the
foreign minister, who continued his liberalisation programme.
In July 1989, partly in order to seek an agreement with Renamo, Frelimo
abandoned Marxism-Leninism. A new multi-party constitution was introduced in
November 1990, while talks continued in Rome with Renamo under international
supervision. In the course of 1992 a series of agreements were reached to
provide for a ceasefire, electoral preparations, the election of a new national
assembly, the deployment of UN peacekeepers and the formation of a new national
army. The final peace agreement was signed in Rome in October, and the United
Nations’ Operation in Mozambique (UNOMOZ) began in the first half of 1993, thus
ending a 16-year conflict which had taken tens of thousands of lives, led to the
internal displacement of three million people and enormous infrastructural
damage and turned 1.7 million Mozambicans into refugees in neighbouring
countries, mostly in Malawi.
Despite repeated political and security crises, national legislative and
presidential elections were held peacefully in October 1994, in which Frelimo
gained a small majority in the national assembly, and Chissano was returned as
president with a clear majority. Local elections, held in May 1998, and the
legislative and presidential elections of 1999, demonstrated that Frelimo still
had a popular mandate to rule, although Renamo continues to dominate in most of
the northern and western provinces.
Security Situation
Commonly described as a‘failed state’ in the early 1990s, Mozambique has
made remarkable progress in restoring stability and security in the country,
although massive socio-economic problems remain a legacy of the
war.
While Government-Renamo relations remain tense, and there have been
occasional flare-ups of civil conflict, peace has been restored to the entire
country. Most refugees have returned, demobilisation has been achieved, although
demobilised combatants have in some cases remained a security threat of one sort
or another, and a group of disaffected Renamo, self-styled Chimwenje
rebels, took to bandity. Mozambique has built good relations with all
its neighbours and with the international community (including, somewhat
unprecedentedly, joining the Commonwealth in 1995) and had developed
particularly good security co-operation with South Africa, working with that
country to control the border, which remains a transit point for international
criminal syndicates and arms smugglers.
Nevertheless, the country is increasingly polarised between the north and
the west, where Renamo is dominant (except now in the far north). Renamo
disputed the results of the 1999 election, and tensions led to riots and
demonstrations in November, leading to 40 deaths, while another 80 detainees
died in an overcrowded police cell, apparently of suffocation. By early 2001 it
appeared that the crisis was over and both sides recommitted themselves to
national reconciliation, but the incident underline the potential for civil
conflict in the event of disputed elections. Furthermore, there are signs of
growing divisions within Frelimo, particularly between the revolutionarly
generation and a new generation of technocrats. There is little space for any
other political parties, who garnered only 1.5 per cent of the vote in the 1999
elections. [1] Nevertheless, the main
players appear to have accepted the need to operate within democratic norms and
there is an increasingly vibrant civil society.
The Mozambican armed forces have no history of praetorianism, under the
Marxist-Leninist system were closely integrated with the ruling party. Internal
security is devolved a paramilitary police force. Despite dire predictions,
demobilisation of 80 000 combatants has been reasonably successfully
accomplished, although many of them remain jobless. The new integrated defence
force, the Forcas Armadas por Defesa de Mocambique (FADM) was intended to be 30 000 strong, but such was
the demand for demobilisation that it was at one stage reduced to around 6 000.
Numbers have subsequently increased, and conscription has been reintroduced,
although it is unpopular and is widely ignored (and the government does not have
the ability to enforce it). The defence force is in a sorry state, with much of
its equipment inoperable, its navy and air force largely inoperative, and almost
all its budget allocated to personnel expenses. However, there are no signs that
it is likely to pose a threat to security.
Violent crime remains probably the major security problem. The judicial
system is increasingly dysfunctional, corruption is rife, and the police have
found it difficult to move from a political to an anti-crime role. Some senior
officials and business leaders are believed to have links to criminal gangs,
many of them internationalised.
Land mines also remain a problem, although a somewhat overstated one. There
are an estimated 250 000 mines still in the ground (compared to a onetime
estimate of 2 million) but extensive de-mining has taken
place.
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of
the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active
peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and
Angola). Relations with South Africa are
very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly
viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the
deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although
it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It
constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990.
Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small
numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is
by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three
special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry
company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion
meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence
expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military
doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600
personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years
has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600
personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet
vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Zimbabwe entered the conflict, deploying 10 000 troops against Renamo, and
Tanzania also offered military support. In 1984, in an effort to end the
increasingly ruinous conflict, Machel signed a security pact with South Africa
known as the Nkomati Accord. He also began a process of economic and political
liberalisation. However, the war continued, and Machel was killed in aircraft
crash in South African territory in October 1986, in circumstances which have
still not been resolved– many analysts believe the craft was brought down by
South African signal subterfuge. He was replaced by Joaquim Chissano, then the
foreign minister, who continued his liberalisation programme.
In July 1989, partly in order to seek an agreement with Renamo, Frelimo
abandoned Marxism-Leninism. A new multi-party constitution was introduced in
November 1990, while talks continued in Rome with Renamo under international
supervision. In the course of 1992 a series of agreements were reached to
provide for a ceasefire, electoral preparations, the election of a new national
assembly, the deployment of UN peacekeepers and the formation of a new national
army. The final peace agreement was signed in Rome in October, and the United
Nations’ Operation in Mozambique (UNOMOZ) began in the first half of 1993, thus
ending a 16-year conflict which had taken tens of thousands of lives, led to the
internal displacement of three million people and enormous infrastructural
damage and turned 1.7 million Mozambicans into refugees in neighbouring
countries, mostly in Malawi.
Despite repeated political and security crises, national legislative and
presidential elections were held peacefully in October 1994, in which Frelimo
gained a small majority in the national assembly, and Chissano was returned as
president with a clear majority. Local elections, held in May 1998, and the
legislative and presidential elections of 1999, demonstrated that Frelimo still
had a popular mandate to rule, although Renamo continues to dominate in most of
the northern and western provinces.
Security Situation
Commonly described as a‘failed state’ in the early 1990s, Mozambique has
made remarkable progress in restoring stability and security in the country,
although massive socio-economic problems remain a legacy of the
war.
While Government-Renamo relations remain tense, and there have been
occasional flare-ups of civil conflict, peace has been restored to the entire
country. Most refugees have returned, demobilisation has been achieved, although
demobilised combatants have in some cases remained a security threat of one sort
or another, and a group of disaffected Renamo, self-styled Chimwenje
rebels, took to bandity. Mozambique has built good relations with all
its neighbours and with the international community (including, somewhat
unprecedentedly, joining the Commonwealth in 1995) and had developed
particularly good security co-operation with South Africa, working with that
country to control the border, which remains a transit point for international
criminal syndicates and arms smugglers.
Nevertheless, the country is increasingly polarised between the north and
the west, where Renamo is dominant (except now in the far north). Renamo
disputed the results of the 1999 election, and tensions led to riots and
demonstrations in November, leading to 40 deaths, while another 80 detainees
died in an overcrowded police cell, apparently of suffocation. By early 2001 it
appeared that the crisis was over and both sides recommitted themselves to
national reconciliation, but the incident underline the potential for civil
conflict in the event of disputed elections. Furthermore, there are signs of
growing divisions within Frelimo, particularly between the revolutionarly
generation and a new generation of technocrats. There is little space for any
other political parties, who garnered only 1.5 per cent of the vote in the 1999
elections. [1] Nevertheless, the main
players appear to have accepted the need to operate within democratic norms and
there is an increasingly vibrant civil society.
The Mozambican armed forces have no history of praetorianism, under the
Marxist-Leninist system were closely integrated with the ruling party. Internal
security is devolved a paramilitary police force. Despite dire predictions,
demobilisation of 80 000 combatants has been reasonably successfully
accomplished, although many of them remain jobless. The new integrated defence
force, the Forcas Armadas por Defesa de Mocambique (FADM) was intended to be 30 000 strong, but such was
the demand for demobilisation that it was at one stage reduced to around 6 000.
Numbers have subsequently increased, and conscription has been reintroduced,
although it is unpopular and is widely ignored (and the government does not have
the ability to enforce it). The defence force is in a sorry state, with much of
its equipment inoperable, its navy and air force largely inoperative, and almost
all its budget allocated to personnel expenses. However, there are no signs that
it is likely to pose a threat to security.
Violent crime remains probably the major security problem. The judicial
system is increasingly dysfunctional, corruption is rife, and the police have
found it difficult to move from a political to an anti-crime role. Some senior
officials and business leaders are believed to have links to criminal gangs,
many of them internationalised.
Land mines also remain a problem, although a somewhat overstated one. There
are an estimated 250 000 mines still in the ground (compared to a onetime
estimate of 2 million) but extensive de-mining has taken
place.
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of
the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active
peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and
Angola). Relations with South Africa are
very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly
viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the
deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although
it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It
constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990.
Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small
numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is
by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three
special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry
company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion
meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence
expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military
doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600
personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years
has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600
personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet
vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Despite repeated political and security crises, national legislative and presidential elections were held peacefully in October 1994, in which Frelimo gained a small majority in the national assembly, and Chissano was returned as president with a clear majority. Local elections, held in May 1998, and the legislative and presidential elections of 1999, demonstrated that Frelimo still had a popular mandate to rule, although Renamo continues to dominate in most of the northern and western provinces.
Security Situation
Commonly described as a‘failed state’ in the early 1990s, Mozambique has
made remarkable progress in restoring stability and security in the country,
although massive socio-economic problems remain a legacy of the
war.
While Government-Renamo relations remain tense, and there have been
occasional flare-ups of civil conflict, peace has been restored to the entire
country. Most refugees have returned, demobilisation has been achieved, although
demobilised combatants have in some cases remained a security threat of one sort
or another, and a group of disaffected Renamo, self-styled Chimwenje
rebels, took to bandity. Mozambique has built good relations with all
its neighbours and with the international community (including, somewhat
unprecedentedly, joining the Commonwealth in 1995) and had developed
particularly good security co-operation with South Africa, working with that
country to control the border, which remains a transit point for international
criminal syndicates and arms smugglers.
Nevertheless, the country is increasingly polarised between the north and
the west, where Renamo is dominant (except now in the far north). Renamo
disputed the results of the 1999 election, and tensions led to riots and
demonstrations in November, leading to 40 deaths, while another 80 detainees
died in an overcrowded police cell, apparently of suffocation. By early 2001 it
appeared that the crisis was over and both sides recommitted themselves to
national reconciliation, but the incident underline the potential for civil
conflict in the event of disputed elections. Furthermore, there are signs of
growing divisions within Frelimo, particularly between the revolutionarly
generation and a new generation of technocrats. There is little space for any
other political parties, who garnered only 1.5 per cent of the vote in the 1999
elections. [1] Nevertheless, the main
players appear to have accepted the need to operate within democratic norms and
there is an increasingly vibrant civil society.
The Mozambican armed forces have no history of praetorianism, under the
Marxist-Leninist system were closely integrated with the ruling party. Internal
security is devolved a paramilitary police force. Despite dire predictions,
demobilisation of 80 000 combatants has been reasonably successfully
accomplished, although many of them remain jobless. The new integrated defence
force, the Forcas Armadas por Defesa de Mocambique (FADM) was intended to be 30 000 strong, but such was
the demand for demobilisation that it was at one stage reduced to around 6 000.
Numbers have subsequently increased, and conscription has been reintroduced,
although it is unpopular and is widely ignored (and the government does not have
the ability to enforce it). The defence force is in a sorry state, with much of
its equipment inoperable, its navy and air force largely inoperative, and almost
all its budget allocated to personnel expenses. However, there are no signs that
it is likely to pose a threat to security.
Violent crime remains probably the major security problem. The judicial
system is increasingly dysfunctional, corruption is rife, and the police have
found it difficult to move from a political to an anti-crime role. Some senior
officials and business leaders are believed to have links to criminal gangs,
many of them internationalised.
Land mines also remain a problem, although a somewhat overstated one. There
are an estimated 250 000 mines still in the ground (compared to a onetime
estimate of 2 million) but extensive de-mining has taken
place.
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of
the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active
peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and
Angola). Relations with South Africa are
very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly
viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the
deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although
it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It
constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990.
Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small
numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is
by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three
special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry
company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion
meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence
expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military
doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600
personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years
has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600
personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet
vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Nevertheless, the country is increasingly polarised between the north and
the west, where Renamo is dominant (except now in the far north). Renamo
disputed the results of the 1999 election, and tensions led to riots and
demonstrations in November, leading to 40 deaths, while another 80 detainees
died in an overcrowded police cell, apparently of suffocation. By early 2001 it
appeared that the crisis was over and both sides recommitted themselves to
national reconciliation, but the incident underline the potential for civil
conflict in the event of disputed elections. Furthermore, there are signs of
growing divisions within Frelimo, particularly between the revolutionarly
generation and a new generation of technocrats. There is little space for any
other political parties, who garnered only 1.5 per cent of the vote in the 1999
elections. [1] Nevertheless, the main
players appear to have accepted the need to operate within democratic norms and
there is an increasingly vibrant civil society.
The Mozambican armed forces have no history of praetorianism, under the
Marxist-Leninist system were closely integrated with the ruling party. Internal
security is devolved a paramilitary police force. Despite dire predictions,
demobilisation of 80 000 combatants has been reasonably successfully
accomplished, although many of them remain jobless. The new integrated defence
force, the Forcas Armadas por Defesa de Mocambique (FADM) was intended to be 30 000 strong, but such was
the demand for demobilisation that it was at one stage reduced to around 6 000.
Numbers have subsequently increased, and conscription has been reintroduced,
although it is unpopular and is widely ignored (and the government does not have
the ability to enforce it). The defence force is in a sorry state, with much of
its equipment inoperable, its navy and air force largely inoperative, and almost
all its budget allocated to personnel expenses. However, there are no signs that
it is likely to pose a threat to security.
Violent crime remains probably the major security problem. The judicial
system is increasingly dysfunctional, corruption is rife, and the police have
found it difficult to move from a political to an anti-crime role. Some senior
officials and business leaders are believed to have links to criminal gangs,
many of them internationalised.
Land mines also remain a problem, although a somewhat overstated one. There
are an estimated 250 000 mines still in the ground (compared to a onetime
estimate of 2 million) but extensive de-mining has taken
place.
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of
the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active
peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and
Angola). Relations with South Africa are
very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly
viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the
deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although
it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It
constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990.
Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small
numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is
by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three
special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry
company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion
meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence
expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military
doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600
personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years
has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600
personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet
vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Violent crime remains probably the major security problem. The judicial
system is increasingly dysfunctional, corruption is rife, and the police have
found it difficult to move from a political to an anti-crime role. Some senior
officials and business leaders are believed to have links to criminal gangs,
many of them internationalised.
Land mines also remain a problem, although a somewhat overstated one. There
are an estimated 250 000 mines still in the ground (compared to a onetime
estimate of 2 million) but extensive de-mining has taken
place.
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of
the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active
peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and
Angola). Relations with South Africa are
very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly
viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the
deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although
it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It
constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990.
Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small
numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is
by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three
special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry
company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion
meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence
expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military
doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600
personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years
has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600
personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet
vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Mozambique enjoys good relations with all its neighbours and with most of the international community, and President Chissano has proved an active peacemaker within Africa, remaining neutral in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (and thus provoking some minor tensions with Zimbabwe and Angola). Relations with South Africa are very close although South African dominance of the economy is increasingly viewed with alarm in Maputo. Mozambique is also very concerned about the deteriorating security, political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, although it has retained its historically close links with Zanu-PF.
Security-Related Budget
Military expenditure declined rapidly after the end of the civil war. It constituted 2.4 per cent of GDP in 1999, compared to 10.1 per cent in 1990. Health expenditure in 1998 was 2.8 per cent of GDP. [2]
Political Oversight [3]
- President &
Commander-in-Chief : Joaquim
Chissano
- Minister of Defence & Security Affairs (President’s Office) &
Minister of the Interior : Almerhinho
Manhenje
- Minister of Defence : Tobias Dai
International Treaties/ Protocols/ Alliances
Mozambique is a member
of:
- United Nations
- World Trade Organisation
- Organisation of African Unity/ African Union
- African Development Bank
- Commonwealth
- Non-Aligned Movement
- Organisation of the Islamic Conference
- Southern African Development Community
- Organisation of the Portuguese Language Countries
International Community Involvement
Italy has been involved in training of the Mozambique police.
Forces Deployed Outside the Country
Mozambique is increasingly involved in UN peace missions, although in small numbers. There are two observers with MONUC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and 12 personnel, including two observers, with UNTAET in East Timor.
DEFENCE FORCE: FORCAS ARMADA POR DEFESA DE MOCAMBIQUE
Senior Personnel
Structure
The defence force is structured as an army, navy and air force. The army is by far the largest force and is broken into three infantry battalions, three special forces battalions and a logistic battalion, supported by an infantry company.
Bases
Defence Budget
The defence budget was US$87 million in 2000 (estimated 1.4 billion meticai), down from US$94 million (1.2 billion meticai) in 1999. All defence expenditure was reflected in the defence budget.
Doctrine and training
The Mozambican defence force was heavily influenced by Soviet military doctrine and followed Soviet-style training prior to 1992.
Strength and Composition
The total size of the armed forces is estimated at 10 600 to 11 600 personnel, of which 9 000 to 10 000 are in the army. Conscription of 2-3 years has been introduced but in practice is highly selective. The navy has 600 personnel and the air force 1 000. [4]
Defence Equipment: 2001
[5]
Note that serviceability of main equipment, especially that of Soviet vintage, is extremely low (10 per cent or less).
Type |
Details |
Main battle tank |
Some T-54/-55 |
Reconnaissance vehicles |
30 x BRDM-1/-2 |
Armoured infantry fighting vehicles |
40 x BMP-1 |
Armoured personnel carriers |
150+ x BTR-60, 80 x BTR-152, 5 x Casspir |
Towed artillery |
136+ x 152/130/122/105/100mm |
Inshore patrol craft |
3 x PCI (non-operational) |
Transport aircraft |
5 x An-26, 2 x C-212, 4 x PA-32 Cherokee (non-operational) |
Training aircraft |
1 x Cessna 182, 7 x ZLIN-326 |
Helicopters |
4+ x Mi-24, 5 x Mi-8 (mostly non-operational) |
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